Introductory note by Edwin Asa Adjei, CIHA Editorial Assistant, University of Ghana-Legon:
Griots and griottes have been in existence in African societies for millennia. In the past, they were the counsellors and praise singers of kings and nobles. One of the roles of griots and griottes in the past was to advise kings and nobles against decisions and actions that had the potential to destroy them or their kingdoms. The work of griots and griottes can be found in African epics such as Gassire’s Lute, Sundiata: An Epic of Old Mali and The Epic of Kambili.
Today, The Concise Oxford English Dictionary has defined a griot as “a West African travelling poet, musician and storyteller.” D. T. Niane, in Sundiata: An Epic of Old Mali notes that image we have of griots today is different from what it used to be in the past. He notes that in the past, griots were tutors of princes, counsellors of kings and the recorders or the customs, traditions and governmental principles of kings. Today, even though griots and griottes exist, their work is not as obvious as it used to be as part of their work of archiving history is now being documented in books. Part of the work griots and griottes did to socialize young nobles and children in the society is also being done through books. This has given authors and creative artistes an important role in modern societies. In modern, post-colonialist times, musicians such as Nana Ampadu and his African Brother’s Band of Ghana, who through songs like “Ebi te yie” (some sit well) articulate society’s frustration with the failures and presumptions of leadership and criticize the social inequality and harassments that have often been prevalent during the rule of military regimes. Banzumana Sissoko, who died in 1987, was one who sang about the political rot in Mali until his death. His songs brought out the theme that all power passes one day. The Nigerian, Fela Anikulapo-Kuti, who has achieved international significance and success through his lyrics in songs which criticize the failures of African governments and the Black World as a whole is another example of the crucial role creative artistes play in modern African societies.
Democratic elections hold an important place in today’s societies. However, in some countries, multiparty elections look more like autocratic rule or a kinship succession system where leaders hand over to their family members or selected candidates, in order to entrench themselves and their families in power. This has often resulted in chaos and violence in these societies, with huge impact on these countries development. A collective of authors from various African countries, have come together, to not only critique African societies in their creative works, but also to critique the nature of partisan politics in some African countries in an open letter and call for a change in these countries.
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Français ci-dessous
CONSTITUTIONAL COUPS D’ÉTAT
Open letter on Côte d’Ivoire and Guinea: Africa needs new leaders
In a few days, if all goes as planned, two elections will be held in a very tense environment. There’s Guinea on 18 October and Côte d’Ivoire on 31 October, where the candidacies of Alpha Condé and Alassane Ouattara are highly controversial.
Both incumbent presidents want to run for third terms following changes to their constitutions. The arguments invoked are riddled with contradictions, interpretations are erroneous, and deliberately misleading language is used.
These two attempts at usurping power are akin to constitutional coups d’état that seriously threaten the region’s stability.
Many citizens are shocked by leaders’ inability to keep their word. They are outraged with the refusal to recognise the hard-won political reforms in the ’90s with the advent of multiparty politics.
READ MORE African presidents extending terms: ‘Let’s express our disapproval loud and clear’
These two attempts at usurping power are akin to constitutional coups d’état that seriously threaten the region’s stability. In Guinea, several dozen people have lost their lives since the new constitution’s enactment last April after a flawed referendum. The same is true in Côte d’Ivoire, where the validation of Alassane Ouattara’s candidacy by the Constitutional Council provoked an outcry among the opposition and democrats.
Demonstrations against his third term have already caused nearly fifteen deaths and numerous arrests. The post-election crisis of 2010-2011, resulting from a power struggle between Laurent Gbagbo and Alassane Ouattara, still haunts the country.
READ MORE Côte d’Ivoire presidential election: Opposition threatens boycott
When both men proclaimed themselves the winners, it ended in Gbagbo’s defeat after a civil war that caused the deaths of 3,000 people and a large number who were injured and displaced; hundreds of arrests were carried out, and infrastructure took a hit.
National institutions and courts are often the last resort. But the Constitutional Council and the Electoral Commission (in charge of the voters registers), have failed because of the collapse of legislative and institutional frameworks, which are crumbling from within and controlled by the Executive power.
All of this destroys the trust that citizens should have had in their state institutions. The result is a complete blockage of legal channels, while authoritarian regimes prohibit citizens from expressing themselves freely and demonstrating non-violently using repressive methods to silence any discontent.
READ MORE The rise of Africa’s new ‘old men’
The demands and street demonstrations against the results of the legislative elections in Mali, for example, were the spark that ignited the recent military putsch that deposed former president Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta.
Too often, politics in Africa forces people to rely on identity-based affiliations rather than manifestos and policy changes. The private sphere dominates national issues to the detriment of the general interest. Populations are taken hostage for personal interests.
Growing instability brings another danger to the fore: the threat of terrorism. Al Qaeda and the Islamic state’s militants operate in the Sahel region and could take advantage of the chaos to extend their influence towards the coast.
READ MORE A grassroots response to the Sahel crisis
We are appealing to the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). ECOWAS was established in 1975 by the Treaty of Lagos, signed by 15 Anglophone, Lusophone, and Francophone countries. Its mission is to coordinate regional dynamics to foster synergies and inject new energy
into an internal market; to ensure conflict management and the collective security of member countries, without forgetting the protocol signed in Dakar in 2001, specifically on democracy and good governance.
We believe that politics is too serious a matter to be left to politicians alone.
Now that Mali’s transition is under way, we believe that member countries should urgently address the question of the legality of third terms.
We are appealing to the African Union and to the United Nations to adopt a firm position to end any attempt to pervert democratic principles. In Côte d’Ivoire, it is necessary to bring the political actors of both camps to meet around a negotiating table to reach a consensus that will lead to a peaceful and transparent election.
We live in a period marked by health, social, economic, and environmental crises, yet it requires innovation, courage, and vision to emerge from them.
We believe that politics is too serious a matter to be left to politicians alone. We need new African leaders who are qualified to take on the challenges facing Africa head-on.
List of signatories:
Véronique Tadjo (Côte d’Ivoire), writer, Visiting Professor at Wits University
Eugène Ebodé (Cameroon), writer, Dr. of French and comparative literature
Tierno Monénembo (Guinea), writer, Dr. of biochemistry
Felwine Sarr (Senegal), writer, Professor at Duke University
Zakes Mda (South Africa), writer, Professor Emeritus of English, Ohio University
Makhily Gassama (Senegal), literary critic, former Minister of Culture
Boualem Sansal (Algeria), writer, engineer, Dr. of Economics
Juvénal Ngorwanubusa (Burundi), writer, former Minister, professor at the University of Burundi
Zukiswa Wanner (South Africa), journalist, writer, publisher
Lola Shoneyin (Nigeria), poet, novelist
Michèle Rakotoson (Madagascar), writer, commander of Malagasy Arts and Letters
Tochi Onyebuchi (Nigeria, United States), writer, former civil rights lawyer
Panashe Chigumadzi (Zimbabwe), Writer, journalist, essayist
Bisi Adjapon (Nigeria), writer
Frédéric Grah Mel (Côte d’Ivoire), biographer, Dr. of French Literature
Abubakar Adam Ibrahim (Nigeria), writer, journalist
Amatesiro Dore (Nigeria), writer, fellow of the Wole Soyinka Foundation
Mohamed Mbougar Sarr (Senegal), writer
Nana Ekua Brew-Hammond (Ghana, United States), writer, poet
Kola Tubosun (Nigeria), teacher, writer, editor
Maaza Mengiste (Ethiopia, United States), writer, essayist
Sindiwe Magona (South Africa), writer, essayist, storyteller, actor
Halte à la présidence à vie en Afrique!
Tierno Monénembo
Véronique Tadjo
Eugène Ebodé
Les écrivains Tierno Monénembo, Véronique Tadjo et Eugène Ebodé dénoncent les dérives antidémocratiques dans plusieurs pays du continent.
Tribune. Le projet d’Alassane Ouattara de briguer un troisième mandat est un très mauvais signal pour l’avenir de la démocratie en Afrique. Le président ivoirien renie sa déclaration du 15 mars dans laquelle il promettait de se retirer du pouvoir et tord ainsi le cou à la Constitution de son pays à des fins personnelles. Les interprétations vont bon train et les juristes de tous bords se contredisent sur ce point, jetant un désarroi sans précédent dans les rangs des démocrates. La messe semble donc dite dès l’instant où la Constitution est méprisée, et la ligne rouge tracée par les Conférences nationales des années 1990 clairement franchie. Le pire est à craindre. Ce pire a un nom. Il s’appelle parti unique, assemblée monocolore, présidence à vie. Nous en connaissons tous les méfaits. Alors, dès maintenant, exprimons haut et fort notre réprobation. Refusons toute idée de troisième mandat où que ce soit en Afrique ! Souvenons-nous que Nelson Mandela, après tous les sacrifices consentis à son peuple avait promis de ne faire qu’un seul mandat et il s’y est tenu malgré les fortes pressions exercées sur lui de toutes parts.
Il est clair que la nouvelle tentative de confiscation du pouvoir à Abidjan fera des émules si elle réussit. Alpha Condé qui ne se sent plus seul dans son désir de se succéder à lui-même s’est évidemment dépêché d’adresser un chaleureux message de félicitations à son homologue ivoirien. A Niamey, le président Mahamadou Issoufou doit se demander s’il ne serait pas mieux d’agir comme les autres. Pendant qu’à Kinshasa, Joseph Kabila ruse, à la mode russe, avec la loi suprême, à Dakar, la tentation sera désormais grande pour Macky Sall de suivre la voie de la manipulation constitutionnelle. Quant à Paul Biya, au Cameroun, et au maréchal Idriss Déby, au Tchad, ils ont depuis longtemps foulé aux pieds leur propre Constitution sans recevoir le moindre reproche.
Non au retour du pouvoir illimité, que ce soit par les tanks ou par un jeu d’écriture ! Nous devons agir avant qu’il ne soit trop tard. L’inacceptable candidature de Ouattara nous interpelle tous. Il est important que les opinions africaine et internationale en mesurent la gravité et réagissent de concert pour que la démocratie en Afrique ne devienne pas une imposture, mais soit une réalité tangible fondée non plus sur le bon vouloir des individus, mais sur la prééminence de la loi et sur le caractère sacré de la Constitution.
« Déni de tout avenir »
La Communauté économique des Etats de l’Afrique de l’Ouest (Cédéao), l’Union africaine et l’Organisation internationale de la francophonie ont sanctionné le Mali après le coup d’Etat militaire du 18 août. Mais alors pourquoi ferment-elles les yeux sur les putschs constitutionnels en cours à Abidjan et à Conakry ? Ces institutions veulent-elles nous faire croire que le coup de force des lettrés est plus convenable que celui des gradés ?
Cette attitude ambiguë est hautement dommageable au processus démocratique amorcé au début des années 1990. La communauté internationale risque de briser tout approfondissement concourant à établir une véritable et durable démocratie en Afrique : une démocratie fondée sur des élections libres et transparentes, une démocratie où l’alternance s’effectue sans heurts dans le strict respect des règles établies.
Article réservé à nos abonnés Lire aussi Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta, le président malien qui « jouissait du pouvoir sans l’exercer »
C’est le moment de dénoncer les soi-disant comités d’experts censés plancher sur les réformes constitutionnelles et qui se laissent si facilement convaincre ou amadouer. Nous en voulons pour preuve la disparition de la limite d’âge dans la nouvelle Constitution ivoirienne qui permet à Henri Konan Bédié, 86 ans, d’être candidat à la présidentielle. Dans quel abîme sommes-nous donc projetés ? Dans le déni de tout avenir pour les jeunes sacrifiés par une oligarchie sans contrepoids ni contradicteurs.
Si l’on n’y prend garde, bientôt, les présidents ne se contenteront plus de modifier les Constitutions, ils vont faire du non-droit, ou plutôt de la non-alternance politique, l’ordinaire de la vie publique.
Faisons en sorte de ne pas en arriver là !
Ce manifeste a déjà été publié sur le site Change.org.
LISTE DES PREMIERS SIGNATAIRES Aya Ibrahima, écrivain et éditeur ; Baco Mambo Abdou, écrivain ; Badiadji Horretowdo, écrivain ; Barral Antoine, écrivain et traducteur ; Bebey Kidi, écrivaine et journaliste ; Bhêly-Quenum Olympe, écrivain ; Boisson Cécile, professeure et écrivaine ; Bondu Hélène, professeure de lettres ; Castel Christophe, professeur de musique ; Cayzac Marie-Claude, psychologue clinicienne ; Cellou Dalein Diallo, chef de file de l’opposition guinéenne ; Cirimirimwami Barhatulirwa Emmanuel, professeur à l’Université de Bukavu (RDC) ; Dautry Michel, médecin psychanalyste ; De Beer Anna-Marie, enseignante et chercheuse ; Dedet Jean-Pierre, professeur émérite, université de Montpellier ; Degon Elisabeth, bibliothécaire, auteure ; Etty Macaire, écrivain ; Fougères Thierry, urbaniste ; Gadjigo Samba, professeur à Mount Holyoke College (Massachusetts, Etats-Unis) ; Garnier Xavier, enseignant ; Grah Mel Frédéric, enseignant ; Gueret Nathalie, documentaliste ; Kabirigi Violette, étudiante ; Keita Cherif, professeur au Carlton College (Minnesota, Etats-Unis) ; Laski Catherine, directrice de publication ; Launay Gilles, fonctionnaire retraité ; Levy Julien, professeur d’histoire-géographie ; Mangeon Anthony, professeur à l’université de Strasbourg ; Marhouch Irène, professeure de lettres ; Mongo-Mboussa Boniface, écrivain, critique littéraire ; Ndjékéry Nétonon Noël, écrivain ; Ngorwanubusa Juvénal, professeur à l’université du Burundi ; Okoundji Gabriel, psychologue clinicien, écrivain ; Pacifique Docile, maître assistant à l’université du Burundi ; Reid Amy, professeur à New College of Florida (Floride, Etats-Unis) ; Revelle Alain, environnementaliste ; Rice-Maximin Micheline, professeure des universités ; Samaké Adama, universitaire ; Sextius Marie-Claude, créatrice ; Tidjani Alou Antoinette, professeure, écrivaine, traductrice ; Wa Kabwe Desire Kazadi, enseignant.
Tierno Monénembo, Véronique Tadjo et Eugène Ebodé